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http://ourworld.compuserve.com/homepages/normanspinrad/iraq.htm
"THE EXIT STRATEGY FROM IRAQ
by Norman Spinrad
John Kerry makes vague promises to get American troops out of
Iraq within four years if he is elected president. George W. Bush
declares even setting such a time-frame is strategically dan-
gerous. They are both very wrong. Mr.. Bush cannot get the United
States out of the mess that he made, but Mr. Kerry can, with
honor, and within something like nine months, not four years, and
insure his election. The American people clearly want the troops
out of Iraq quickly, but with honor, no loss of American strategic
credibility, and with a sense of mission accomplished. The cur-
rent campaign rhetoric from both sides makes this sound impossi-
ble.
It isn't. Here's how:
Mr. Kerry announces that if he is elected his first order of
business will be to take the following proposal to European lead-
ers, to NATO, crucially to Chancellor Shroeder and President
Chirac.
The United States will cooperate in converting the occupation
of Iraq into a formal NATO operation on the lines of something
like Kosovo with a non-American civilian mission leader appointed
by NATO, not the United States, in return for the commitment of at
least symbolically significant NATO troops, mainly from France and
Germany, who have the forces.
The mission itself will be redefined within a closed time-
frame.
Having found no weapons of mass destruction or Al Qaida
connections, the Bush Administration has long since redefined the
reason for having invaded Iraq in the first place as bringing
democracy to the Iraqi people. That is the promise. It does not
have to be broken.
But democracy is a decision-making process, not the result of
that process. Mr. Kerry should announce that the American and
NATO troops will remain in Iraq long enough to safeguard that
process but no longer, and a time-frame should be announced.
First, the election of an Iraqi constitutional assembly in
January 2005 to produce an Iraqi constitution written by and for
the Iraqi people within three months. Then the free election of
an Iraqi government under that constitution by the end of June
2005, with security provided by the American and NATO troops, with
technical assistance in setting up the voting machinery if re-
quested, and neutral election monitoring by the Carter Foundation
or something like it.
Within sixty days of the elected Iraqi government taking
office, the American and NATO troops will begin an orderly step-
wise withdrawal, to be completed within three months.
After which, the stated mission objective will have been
accomplished, American credibility will be maintained, and the
troops will come home with honor. Iraq will have a democratic
government. Whether it succeeds or fails will be up to that
government and the citizens of Iraq. As it should be. As it can
only be in the end. As it must.
Nation-building may be a worthy, honorable, and at times even
necessary task, but a Iraq governed by a democratically elected
government under a constitution written by Iraqis overseen by the
United States or NATO or even the United Nations for four years
under occupation by foreign forces would not be a nation but at
best a protectorate, a genteel euphemism for colony.
Perhaps that is what the Administration of George W. Bush
really wants. I am confident that it is not what the American
people want. I am less confident that that is not what John Kerry
really wants, but there is hope.
To those who, like Mr. Bush, say that setting time table,
even a four year time table, would give strategic advantage to the
terrorists, I say that if the Iraqi people knew a fixed date after
which they would be on their own, it would concentrate their
minds. And if that wouldn't, nothing else will.
"Hope is on the way," was the slogan of the Democratic Na-
tional Convention.
Here is that hope, Mr. Kerry.
Here is the last best hope of your victory.
Here is the hope of bring the troops home in a timely manner
with their mission accomplished and the lost honor of the United
States restored in the eyes of the world.
When I was a small boy in 1951 I watched on television as the
American occupying forces marched through the streets of Tokyo on
their way to board the ships for home. Six years earlier, they had
arrived as hated and feared conquerors. They had imposed a demo-
cratic government on a defeated autocratic Japan. Now, as far as
the eye could see, the streets were thronged with Japanese people
waving little American flags. Saying thank you for what you have
done for us. Bidding a fond farewell to the army of their very
best friends.
Even the boy that I was knew what he was seeing--the greatest
victory ever won by any army in the history of the world.
That is who we were.
With leadership with the wisdom and courage to understand
what even a small boy could, that is who we can be again.
Released into public domain. Feel free to copy, publish, distribute. Please credit author."
Yes, give him credit. He's helped restore a little bit of my hope that maybe things can turn out alright despite the current administrations best efforts.
"THE EXIT STRATEGY FROM IRAQ
by Norman Spinrad
John Kerry makes vague promises to get American troops out of
Iraq within four years if he is elected president. George W. Bush
declares even setting such a time-frame is strategically dan-
gerous. They are both very wrong. Mr.. Bush cannot get the United
States out of the mess that he made, but Mr. Kerry can, with
honor, and within something like nine months, not four years, and
insure his election. The American people clearly want the troops
out of Iraq quickly, but with honor, no loss of American strategic
credibility, and with a sense of mission accomplished. The cur-
rent campaign rhetoric from both sides makes this sound impossi-
ble.
It isn't. Here's how:
Mr. Kerry announces that if he is elected his first order of
business will be to take the following proposal to European lead-
ers, to NATO, crucially to Chancellor Shroeder and President
Chirac.
The United States will cooperate in converting the occupation
of Iraq into a formal NATO operation on the lines of something
like Kosovo with a non-American civilian mission leader appointed
by NATO, not the United States, in return for the commitment of at
least symbolically significant NATO troops, mainly from France and
Germany, who have the forces.
The mission itself will be redefined within a closed time-
frame.
Having found no weapons of mass destruction or Al Qaida
connections, the Bush Administration has long since redefined the
reason for having invaded Iraq in the first place as bringing
democracy to the Iraqi people. That is the promise. It does not
have to be broken.
But democracy is a decision-making process, not the result of
that process. Mr. Kerry should announce that the American and
NATO troops will remain in Iraq long enough to safeguard that
process but no longer, and a time-frame should be announced.
First, the election of an Iraqi constitutional assembly in
January 2005 to produce an Iraqi constitution written by and for
the Iraqi people within three months. Then the free election of
an Iraqi government under that constitution by the end of June
2005, with security provided by the American and NATO troops, with
technical assistance in setting up the voting machinery if re-
quested, and neutral election monitoring by the Carter Foundation
or something like it.
Within sixty days of the elected Iraqi government taking
office, the American and NATO troops will begin an orderly step-
wise withdrawal, to be completed within three months.
After which, the stated mission objective will have been
accomplished, American credibility will be maintained, and the
troops will come home with honor. Iraq will have a democratic
government. Whether it succeeds or fails will be up to that
government and the citizens of Iraq. As it should be. As it can
only be in the end. As it must.
Nation-building may be a worthy, honorable, and at times even
necessary task, but a Iraq governed by a democratically elected
government under a constitution written by Iraqis overseen by the
United States or NATO or even the United Nations for four years
under occupation by foreign forces would not be a nation but at
best a protectorate, a genteel euphemism for colony.
Perhaps that is what the Administration of George W. Bush
really wants. I am confident that it is not what the American
people want. I am less confident that that is not what John Kerry
really wants, but there is hope.
To those who, like Mr. Bush, say that setting time table,
even a four year time table, would give strategic advantage to the
terrorists, I say that if the Iraqi people knew a fixed date after
which they would be on their own, it would concentrate their
minds. And if that wouldn't, nothing else will.
"Hope is on the way," was the slogan of the Democratic Na-
tional Convention.
Here is that hope, Mr. Kerry.
Here is the last best hope of your victory.
Here is the hope of bring the troops home in a timely manner
with their mission accomplished and the lost honor of the United
States restored in the eyes of the world.
When I was a small boy in 1951 I watched on television as the
American occupying forces marched through the streets of Tokyo on
their way to board the ships for home. Six years earlier, they had
arrived as hated and feared conquerors. They had imposed a demo-
cratic government on a defeated autocratic Japan. Now, as far as
the eye could see, the streets were thronged with Japanese people
waving little American flags. Saying thank you for what you have
done for us. Bidding a fond farewell to the army of their very
best friends.
Even the boy that I was knew what he was seeing--the greatest
victory ever won by any army in the history of the world.
That is who we were.
With leadership with the wisdom and courage to understand
what even a small boy could, that is who we can be again.
Released into public domain. Feel free to copy, publish, distribute. Please credit author."
Yes, give him credit. He's helped restore a little bit of my hope that maybe things can turn out alright despite the current administrations best efforts.
